General Richard Montgomery

AMONG that small band of military leaders who shared the perils of our early struggle for independence, the name and fame of Richard Montgomery should be held especially dear by the people of New York. He has been dead more than a hundred years, and although his memory is revered by the American people, little is generally known of his personal history.

Sparks's American Biography contains a memoir of Montgomery. This was written by his brother-in-law John Armstrong, who was Secretary of War in the cabinet of President Madison, and was known as a man of distinguished talents, well qualified as a military critic. This biography, however, is wanting in such personal details as the flight of time and the circumstances of Montgomery's character, no less than his untimely fate, have rendered of uncommon interest to the reader of American history. Another sketch of Montgomery, by Brevet Major-General Cullum, U.S.A., appeared in 1876. While this is no doubt very valuable, owing to the military reputation of the author, and the professional view which he takes of the services of Montgomery, it is largely indebted to the first memoir already noticed. It also is wanting in particulars of his private life.

It is not my province to discuss the professional merits of General Montgomery, or even to attempt any consecutive narration of his campaign in Canada. My purpose is to string together the accounts that have been furnished by the letters and manuscripts preserved at Montgomery Place, and to bring my readers into closer acquaintance with the hero of Quebec.

General Montgomery was born on the 2d of December, 1736. He was by birth an Irishman. In his youth he served in the British army during the French and Indian war. On his return to England, after the close of the Seven Years' conflict, he is said to have formed friendships with Fox, Burke, and Barre, becoming deeply imbued with their views of the rights of the colonies. Superseded and disappointed in the purchase of a majority, he left England forever.

While still a captain in the British army, Montgomery had met Janet Livingston, the daughter of Robert R. Livingston, one of the Judges of the King's Bench. He was on his way to a distant post, and had come on shore with all the officers of his company at Clermont, Judge Livingston's country place on the Hudson. Subsequently when he returned to settle in America, he renewed his acquaintance with her, and with the approbation of her parents married her in July, 1773. Among the papers before me are the letter of Montgomery to Judge Livingston, asking for the hand of his daughter, and Judge Livingston's reply.

"KiNGSBRIDGE, May 20, 1773. "Sir, — Though I am extremely anxious to solicit your approbation, together with Mrs. Livingston's, in an affair which nearly concerns my happiness and no less affects your daughter, I have nevertheless heen hitherto deterred from this indispensable attention by reflecting that from so short an acquaintance as I had the honor to make with you I could not flatter myself with your sanction in a matter so very important as to influence the future welfare of a child. I therefore wished for some good-natured friend to undertake the kind office of giving a favorable impression; but finding you have already had intimation of my desire to be honored with your daughter's hand, and apprehensive lest my silence should bear an unfavorable construction, I have ventured at last to request, sir, that you will consent to a union which to me has the most promising appearance of happiness, from the lady's uncommon merit and amiable worth. Nor will it be an inconsiderable addition to be favored by such respectable characters with the title of son, should I be so fortunate as to deserve it. And if to contribute to the happiness of a beloved daughter can claim any share with tender parents, I hope hereafter to have some title to your esteem. "I am, sir, with great respect, your most obedient servant, "Richard Montgomery."

"Claremont, 21st June, 1773. "SIR, —I received your polite letter by the hands of Mr. Lawrence at Ponghkeepsie, from whence I returned last night. "I was then so engaged in the business of Court, both night and day, that I had no time to answer it, and tho' I would have stolen an hour for that purpose, it required a previous consultation with Mrs. Livingston. "Since we heard of your intentions, solicitous for our daughter's happiness, we have made such enquiries as have given a great deal of satisfaction. We both approve of your proposal, and heartily wish your union may yield you all the happiness you seem to expect, to which we shall always be ready to contribute all in our power. Whenever it suits your convenience, we hope to have the pleasure of seeing you here, and in the mean time I remain, with due respect, "Your most humble servant, "Robert R. Livingston."

Mrs. Montgomery wrote a series of notes to be used for a memoir of her husband. The limits of this article permit only a few gleanings from this quaint and interesting manuscript:

"General Montgomery was born in Dublin, and was educated in the College of Dublin. His father, Thomas Montgomery, of Convoy House, Donegal, had three sons, Alexauder, John, and Richard, and one daughter, married to Viscount Ranelagh. The eldest son, Alexander, was an officer under Wolfe in the conquest of Canada, and for forty years member of Parliament for the County of Donegal. John died at Lisbon, a noted merchant. Richard was the third son. Their mother was an English lady of fortune whose estate was settled on her younger sons, the eldest son having inherited the estate of his uncle. Richard was placed in the British army in the Seventeenth Regiment by the advice of his brother Alexander, his senior by many years. Richard was at the taking of Cape Breton with Amherst. Alexander marched to re-enforce Wolfe.

"The duty of the Seventeenth Regiment was in America. For this reason, when the Stamp Act was to be enforced, an order was given to employ that regiment, then in England, which Montgomery receiving with several others declared publicly that they would throw up their commissions if the order were persisted in. In 1772-3 he came to New York, purchased a farm at Kingsbridge, and in July, 1773, was married. He then removed to Rhineheck, where he built a mill and laid the foundation of a house.

"Unknown as his modesty led him to suppose himself to be, he was chosen, early in 1775, one of the Conncil of Fifty, to New York from Dutchess County. While thus engaged Congress determined to raise troops in defense of our rights. Philip Schuyler was appointed the Major-General, and the appointment of Brigadier-General was tendered to Montgomery. Before accepting it he came into his wife's room, and asked her to make up for him the ribbon cockade which was to be placed in his hat. He saw her emotion, and marked the starting tear. With persuasive gentleness he said to her: 'Our country is in danger. Unsolicited, in two instances I have been distinguished by two honorable appointments. As a politician I could not serve them. As a soldier I think I can. Shall I, then, accept the one and shrink from the other in dread of danger! My honor is engaged.' Mrs. Montgomery took the ribbon, and he continued: 'I am satisfied. Trust me. You shall never blush for your Montgomery.'

"He had hardly received this appointment when it was announced that General Washington was to pass through New York, on his way to Boston. On the morning of his expected arrival the whole town was in a state of commotion. All the militia was paraded, bells ringing, drums beating, and in that moment the British Governor Tryon arrived. As he landed he looked with delight at the general excitement that prevailed, and said: 'Is all this for me?' when two of his counsellors took him mournfully by the hand, and led him to a house where he saw the great Washington pass, attended by a crowd of patriots. At a window next to the City Hotel, 1 was happily so placed that I could see him. Here General Schuyler and General Montgomery received their commissions and instructions. The next day, when Montgomery opened his commission, he found all the commissions of his brigade left in blank. Such was the trust reposed in him."

Two years of quiet and domestic happiness were broken in upon by Montgomery's being sent as a delegate to the First Provincial Convention, held in New York in April, 1775. He never thought himself fit for civil service, and with reluctance took the place assigned him. But his heart was in the movement. With such feelings of ardent devotion did he give himself up to the cause of American liberty, that when called upon by Congress to quit the retirement of his farm in order to become one of the first eight brigadier-generals, he wrote to a friend "that the honor, though entirely unexpected and undeserved, he felt to be the will of an oppressed people, which must be obeyed"; and he accordingly went immediately into active service. Mrs. Montgomery accompanied him on his way as far as Saratoga. In after-years their parting was described as follows by his brother-in-law Edward Livingston, who was at the time a boy of eleven:

"It was just before General Montgomery left for Canada. We were only three in the room - he, my sister, and myself. He was sitting in a musing attitude between his wife, who, sad and silent, seemed to be reading the future, and myself, whose childish admiration was divided between the glittering uniform and the martial bearing of him who wore it. Suddenly the silence was broken by Montgomery's deep voice, repeating the iine. '"Tis a mad world, my masters.' 'I once thought so,' he continued; 'now I know it.' The tone, the words, the circumstances, overawed me, and I noiselessly retired. I have since reflected upon the bearing of this quotation, forcing itself upon the young soldier at that moment. Perhaps he might have been contrasting the sweet quiet of the life he held in his grasp with the tumults and perils of the camp which he had resolved to seek without one regretful glance at what he was leaving behind. These were the last words I heard from his lips, aud I never saw him more."

I turn next to the letters written by General Montgomery to his wife during his last brilliant and memorable campaign. The correspondence was not voluminous: at that time communication between Canada and New York was slow and difficult. In the most favorable weather the sloops which plied the Hudson required a week to go from Albany to New York. On comparison of dates, some of the letters prove to have been two months on the way from Montreal or other parts of Canada to Rhinebeck, where Mrs. Montgomery lived.

These letters show him to have been blunt and straightforward, yet affectionate, and on occasion fond of a joke at home.

"If you find you can be spared" (he wrote, June, 1775), "and wish to make it trip to New York, and will not stay too long, I shall be very glad to see you. I dare say Peggy and Kitty [his wife's sisters] will not dislike the jaunt."

"From Ticonderoga, August 24, 1775.

"I have received yours from Albany and the cask of rusk. Ticonderoga agrees very well with me. I have a great deal of exercise both of body and sword. The New Englanders and I jog on very well together, and I go to prayers every evening with them after exercise is over. The General is gone to the Indian Congress, so that for a few days I am in command, though without the difficulties he had to struggle with, as he had before put matters in proper train.

"As for house or home (except yourself), I have hardly time to lend a thought. Be assured of my warmest affection, my dearest girl, and accept my warmest wishes for your happiness."

A letter dated from Camp St. John's in September. 1775. betrayed a soldier's impatience at his wife's complaints at the prolonged separation from him: "I must entreat the favor of you," he wrote to her. "to write no more of those whining letters. I declare if I receive another in that style, I will lock up the rest without reading them. I don't want anything to lower my spirits; I have abundant use for them all, and at the best of times I have not too much."

The following letter gives evidence of his keen sense of duty in the distribution of office, which no tie of consanguinity could affect in any manner whatsoever:

"This very evening (October 9,1775, near Camp St. John's), I received my dear Janet's letters to the 23d of September, which bring me the agreeable news of your recovery. I hope to have the same account of your good father and mother, whose health and happiness I think myself deeply interested in. You are right. I most certainly might have advanced Harry to a majority. Disinterested and generous motives will forever, I hope, prevent me from serving myself or family at the expense of the public. Though a spirited fellow, he has not experience for such an important post. I grant there are others as bad and worse - this is not my doing, nor will I ever have such a weight on my conscience."

The uncommon sympathy that existed between his wife's family and himself is a striking feature of this short correspondence. There are constant messages of remembrance for them, all interwoven with the news from the camp, and in the midst of the most harassing events and circumstances.

"I have no time to write to your father," he wrote from Montreal on the eve of his departure for Quebec. "My most affectionate respects attend the old gentleman and lady. My love to the girls. Do they go to town? No husbands this winter? Alas; I live in hopes to see you in six weeks."

The last letter of the collection bears the date of the 5th of December, 1775. It was written just a fortnight before his death, and is as follows:

"Holland House, near Quebec, December 5. "My Dear Janet, —This day I had the pleasure of yours of the 13th of October. I think your letters are a long time on the road. I believe I have now the right to complain, as I am sure you don't write as often as I do. "I suppose long ere this we have furnished the folks of the united colonies with subject matter of conversation. 1 should like to see the long faces of my Tory friends. I fancy they look a little cast down, and that tbe Whig ladies triumph most unmercifully. "The weather continues so gentle that we have been able, at this late season, to get down by water with our artillery, etc. They are a good deal alarmed in town, and with some reason. The garrison is little to be depended upon, and very weak in proportion to the works. I wish it were well over, with all my heart, and sigh for home like a New-Englander. "I sha'n't forget your beaver blanket if I get safe out of this affair, nor your mother's martin-skins. Present my affectionate duty to her, and make her easy respecting Harry. He has by no means given any offense, though some uneasiness, by some little imprudence. I am glad to hear your house is in such forwardness. May I have the pleasure of seeing you in it soon! Till then, adieu!"

General Schuyler's health did not permit him to conduct this campaign, as had been intended. He relinquished the command of the forces to General Montgomery at Isle aux Noix. There was insubordination among the troops. Montgomery's energy and dauntless will were more than equal to the emergency. He had great trouble with the New-Englanders. All seemed thoroughly demoralized, the New-Yorkers as well as the others. "O fortunate husbandmen!" wrote Montgomery, "would I were at my plough again!" He was thoroughly disgusted with them all. However, his course through Canada was a triumphant one, and notwithstanding all his difficulties, success followed in his footsteps. "I have courted fortune," he wrote in another letter, "and found her kind. I have one more favor to solicit, and then I have done; till Quebec is taken, Canada is unconquered." Chief Justice Marshall states that Montgomery "had determined to withdraw from the army, and had signified, before marching from Montreal, his resolution to resign the commission which had teen conferred upon him." Marshall adds, as a probable incentive to the storming of Quebec, that he had "the desire of closing his military career with a degree of brilliancy suited to the elevation of his mind by the conquest of Canada to the United States." "Fortune," he said, "favors the brave." Little had he then contemplated failure, or his own approaching end! In a conversation which he had with one of his aides-de-camp shortly before the storming of Quebec, he had indulged in meditations on his own life, and spoke of his loss of ambition, a sense of duty being alone left as his spring of action. He longed to return to the retirement of his country life, though he said he "would always be ready to contribute to the public safety, should the scene change and his services be again required." He was convinced that there was, as he said, "a fair prospect of success," and notwithstanding the perils of his situation his hopes ran high and his soul was undaunted. It has been said that he knew the fortifications well, because he had been with Wolfe at the taking of Quebec. This is a mistake. He was in the British army in Canada at the time, but not with Wolfe, having been ordered to follow Amherst with his regiment. This error probably originated from the fact that Alexander Montgomery, the General's eldest brother, was with Wolfe at Quebec.

It was at four o'clock in the morning of December 31, 1775, during a violent snow-storm, that the attack on Quebec was made. The little American army had undergone inexpressible hardships during the campaign, and the soldiers were half starved and half naked. It took all the magnetic power of Montgomery to stir them into renewed action. "Men of New York," he exclaimed, "you will not fear to follow where your General leads; march on!" Then placing himself in the front, he almost immediately received the mortal wound which suddenly closed his career.

Thus fell Richard Montgomery, at the early age of thirty-seven. Three weeks before his death he was promoted to the rank of Major-General. Young, gifted, and brave, he was mourned throughout the country, at whose altar he had offered up his life — apparently in vain; for his fate decided the battle in favor of the British.

The story that he was borne from the field of battle by Aaron Burr, under the continued fire of the enemy, has always been received with doubt. It may now, upon the highest authority, be pronounced to be without foundation.

It was rumored, but not ascertained by the British for some hours, that the American General had been killed. Anxious to ascertain, General Carleton sent an aide-de-camp to the seminary, where the American prisoners were, to inquire if any of them would identify the body. A field officer of Arnold's division, who had been made prisoner near Sault au Matelot barrier, accompanied the aide-de-camp to the Pres de Ville guard, and pointed it out among the other bodies, at the same time pronouncing in accents of grief a glowing eulogium on Montgomery's bravery and worth. Besides that of the General, the bodies of his two aides-de-camp were recognized among the slain. All were frozen stiff. General Montgomery was shot through the thigh and through the head. When his body was taken up his features were not in the least distorted, his countenance appeared serene and placid, like the soul that had animated it. His sword, the symbol of his martial honor, lay close beside him on the snow. It was picked up by a drummer-boy, but immediately afterward was given up to James Thompson, Overseer of Public Works and Assistant Engineer during the siege, who had been intrusted by General Carleton with the interment of the body. Through the courtesy of the British General, Montgomery was buried within the walls of Quebec, with the honors of war.

General Montgomery's will had been made at Crown Point on the 30th of August, soon after the commencement of his last campaign. The authenticity of this document is attested by the signature of Benedict Arnold. It is still in existence, and reads as follows:

The last Will and Testament of Richard Montgomery. I give to my sinter Lady Ranelagh, of the kingdom of Ireland, all my personal fortune for her sole use, to be disposed of as she pleases, except such legacies as shall be hereafter mentioned. All my just debts must first be paid. Also I give my said sister my estate at Kingsbridge, near New York, for her sole use, to be disposed of as she thinks fit. To my dear wife, Janet Montgomery, I give my furniture, farm utensils, carriages of all sorts, horses, cattle, shares, books (to this watch, mathematical and philosophical instruments and apparatus). I also leave to my said wife the farm I purchased from Shares at Rhynbeck, with horses and everything upon it. The ample fortune which my wife will succeed to makes it unnecessary to provide for her ina manner suitable to her situation in life and adequate to the warm affection I bear her. My dear sister's large family want all I can spare. I would wish to recommend one or two of her younger children to my Janet's protection. I must request the Honorable Robert Livingston, my much-esteemed father-in-law, and my brother-in-law, Robert, his son (whose good sense and integrity I have all confidence in), to see this my last Will and Testament executed. Tho' the hurry of public business and want of knowledge in the law may have rendered this instrument incorrect, yet I believe my intention is plain. I therefore hope no advantage will be taken of any inaccuracy. My brothers, whom I greatly esteem and respect, will accept of what alone I have in my power to give — my warmest wishes for their happiness. (Signed) Richard Montgomery. Witnesses: Robert Walkin. Edward Mott. J. P. Tetard. Aug. 30, 1775, Crown Point. This may certify that the foregoing Will and Testament of the late General Montgomery was found by us among his papers a few days after his death, and immediately sealed up. Benedict Arnold. Donald Campbell.

This certification is in the handwriting of Arnold.

General Montgomery left no descendants. By his will it appears that he bequeathed the greater part of his fortune to his relatives in Ireland. The farm at Kingsbridge would now be of enormous value from its proximity to New York.

A curious inventory of his effects was taken and forwarded to New York. Tho greater part of his wardrobe was purchased by General Arnold. An account was also sent to Mrs. Montgomery of the manner in which his effects had been disposed of, and a list of the articles marked on the inventory as sold to General Arnold. Governor Carleton sent General Montgomery's gold watch and seal to General Wooster, at Montreal, who sent them to Mrs. Montgomery.

The body of General Montgomery remained in Quebec for forty-three years. It was then brought to New York, in compliance with a special act of the Legislature.

At Mrs. Montgomery's request, Governor Clinton commissioned her nephew, Lewis Livingston, to superintend the removal of the remains to New York. From a minute report which he wrote to his father, Edward Livingston, then in Louisiana, we gather many details of interest hitherto unknown to the public. On account of the great lapse of time since the death of General Montgomery, apprehensions were entertained that there would be difficulty in ascertaining the exact spot where he was interred. Such apprehensions were, however, groundless. Mrs. Montgomery had been some time previously informed by Mr. William Smith (the son of the Chief Justice, then deceased) that the person who had buried her husband was still living, and had in his possession the sword the General wore when he was so unfortunately slain. Shortly after the arrival of Colonel Livingston in Quebec, James Thompson, then eighty-nine years of age, was pointed out to him as the very person who had been intrusted with the superintendence of the General's burial, and who had served in the British army during the siege. He was ordered to explore the place of interment and dig up the remains. This he accordingly did, in the presence of one of his Excellency Governor Sherbrooke's aides-de-camp, Captain Freer. As Thompson still possessed all his faculties. Colonel Livingston obtained from him full information. Owing to the alteration that had taken place in the appearance of the ground, he could not indicate exactly where the body lay. It was found, however, within a few feet of the place he fixed upon; and there was so much circumstantial evidence to corroborate all he said, that not a doubt could be entertained of his veracity. He mentioned a number of details respecting the interment, and gave a particular description of tho coffin in which the body was placed, which corresponded perfectly with the appearance of the one taken up. The coffin was kept exactly in the state in which it was found, and placed in a strong wooden case.

Sir John Sherbrooke pursued a very liberal course of action. He did not hesitate one instant to deliver up the remains; he only expressed a desire that the affair should be considered a private rather than a public transaction. Mr. William Smith was extremely useful in furthering the views of Colonel Livingston; he was intimate with the Governor, and used his influence to obtain a compliance with the request of which he was the bearer.

Governor Clinton had directed the Adjutant-General, with Colonel Van Rensselaer and a detachment of cavalry, to accompany the remains to New York. They left Whitehall on the 2d of July, arriving at Albany on the 4th. Great preparations had been made to receive the remains with all possible splendor and eclat. The procession moved through all the principal streets of Albany, escorted by the military under arms, joined by an immense concourse of citizens. The remains were laid in state in the Capitol. In every village on the route similar honors had been paid to the memory of the gallant Montgomery. The skeleton had been placed in a magnificent coffin, which had been sent by the Governor. On the 6th of July, at nine o'clock in the morning, a procession, perhaps still larger than the first, accompanied the coffin to the steamer Richmond, on board of which it was put with a large military escort. The boat floated down for several miles under the discharge of minute-guns from both shores. It was astonishing to observe the strong sympathies which were everywhere evoked by the arrival of these sacred remains. The degree of enthusiasm that prevailed and the patriotic feeling that evinced itself reflected credit upon the State of New York, and not a voice was heard in disapproval of the tributes of respect thus paid to the memory of this hero of the Revolution.

Governor Clinton had informed Mrs. Montgomery that the body of the General would pass down the Hudson; by the aid of a glass she could see the boat pass Montgomery Place, her estate near Barrytown. I give her own quaint and touching terms as she describes the mournful pageant in a letter to her niece. "At length," she wrote, "they came by, with all that remained of a beloved husband, who left me in the bloom of manhood, a perfect being. Alas! how did he return! However gratifying to my heart, yet to my feelings every pang I felt was renewed. The pomp with which it was conducted added to my woe; when the steamboat passed with slow and solemn movement, stopping before my house, the troops under arms, the Dead March from the muffled drum, the mournful music, the splendid coffin canopied with crape and crowned by plumes, you may conceive my anguish; I can not describe it."

At Mrs. Montgomery's own request she was left alone upon the porch when the Richmond went by. Forty-three years had elapsed since she parted with her husband at Saratoga. Emotions too agitating for her advanced years overcame her at this trying moment. She fainted, and was found in an insensible condition after the boat had passed on its way. Yet the first wish of her heart was realized, after years of deferred hope, and she wrote to her brother in New Orleans, "I am satisfied. What more could I wish than the high honor that has been conferred on the ashes of my poor soldier?"

The remains were finally interred in New York on the 8th of July, 1818, beneath the monument in front of St. Paul's Church. This monument was designed and executed in France, ordered by Benjamin Franklin.

The Quebec Morning Chronicle of December 30, 1876, contains a very interesting account of the Centennial Fete which the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec held in their rooms on the evening of the 29th:

"The lecture-room of Merrin College was hung with the flags of many nations. Addresses were delivered by several persons of mark in the Dominion, some of whom were lineal descendants of those who had participated a hundred years before in the defense of Quebec.

"Lieutenant-Colonel Strange, Commandant of the Quebec garrison, and Dominion Inspector of Artillery, exhaustively treated that portion of the events of the 31st of December, 1775, which referred to the attack and defense at Pits de Ville. Many incidents of the siege, utterly unknown to ordinary readers of history, were brought to light, and many things that have been considered doubtful were explained. The story of the finding of the frozen bodies of the American General and his aide de-camp was told with much pathos, as were the details of his burial.

"At the conclusion of Colonel Strange's narrative, J. M. Le Moine, the Quebec historian, made an address on Arnold's assault on Sault an Matelots barriers. Remarks were also made by the vice-president and others, after which the audience was invited to visit the library. Here flags draped and covered the bookshelves. A splendid stand of arms reached from floor to ceiling. Behind it fell in long festoons the Dominion standard. In the centre of a diamond-shaped figure, made up of sabres pointing upward, was a large glittering star of bayonets. In chronological order were tablets containing each one of the names of the Lieutenant-Governors of Canada, commencing with Carleton in 1775. On the opposite side of the room, under a similar star of bayonets, was hung, suspended with crape, the sword of General Montgomery. The company were iuvited to view it, the band played the funeral march of Montgomery, and music continued until the company dispersed."

This celebration was followed by a similar demonstration at the lnstitut Canadieu on the 30th, and by a ball at the Citadel on the 31st, given by the Commander, Colonel Strange, R. A., and Mrs. Strange, who entertained a large number of guests in the costume of 1775. Some of the identical uniforms worn at the time of the siege now re-appeared in the old fortress. The staircase was draped with royal standards, intermingled with the white and golden lilies of France, the Dominion ensign, and the American flag. On either side of the steps were stands of arms and warlike implements. There, too, was the trophy. Huge banners fell in graceful folds about the stacks of musketry piled on the right and left above the drums and trumpets. Immediately underneath was the escutcheon of the United States, on which, heavily craped, was hung the sword with which Montgomery had beckoned on his men to action. Underneath this kindly tribute were the words "Requiescat in pace."

At the foot of the trophy were piled sets of old flint muskets and accoutrements, and in the centre a brass cannon captured from the Americans in 1775, which bears the arms of the State of Massachusetts. On either side of this historical tableau gigantic figures from the ranks were stationed as sentries. Dancing commenced. Dance succeeded dance till midnight. All of a sudden sounded the clear clarion notes of a trumpet. A panel in the wainscoting at the lower dancing-room opened as if by magic, and out jumped a jaunty little trumpeter, with the slashed and decorated jacket and busby of a hussar. The blast he blew rang far and wide. A second later weird piping and drumming were heard in a remote part of the barracks. Nearer and nearer every moment came the sharp shrill notes of the fifes and the quick detonation of the drum-stick taps. Silence came upon the gay company who clustered in picturesque groups around the stairs, where was placed the steel blade whose hilt was warmed one century before by the hand of a hero.

"The Phantom Guard," led by the intrepid Sergeant Hugh MoQuarters, passed through the assemblage, looking neither to the right nor left; on through saloon and passage, past ball-room and conversation parlor, they glided past with measured stops.and halted in front of the Montgomery trophy, and paid to it military honors. The bombardier who impersonated the dead sergeant actually wore the sword and belt of a man who was killed in the action of 1775.

The old house in St. Louis Street, in which the body of General Montgomery was laid out on the 1st of January, 1776, was decorated with the American flag, and brilliantly illuminated that night.

The British charge d'affaires ad interim to the United States, Victor Drummond, Esq., having recently obtained General Montgomery's sword, presented it to me on the 3d of September, 1881, at Montgomery Place, where it has been added to the other relics of the General. When it was unpacked a piece of crape lay in the case, a token of the still fresh and pathetic honors of the Quebec centennial.

There are but few relics of General Montgomery in existence besides the sword, the papers I have alluded to, his letters preserved at Washington, and his letters to General Schuyler. His watch and seal, removed from his person on the field of battle, and forwarded to Mrs. Montgomery, are carefully preserved. The trunk which he used when in the British Army, as a captain in the Seventeenth Regiment foot, is at Montgomery Place, and has his name on it. The only original portrait of him is also at Montgomery Place. It was sent to Mrs. Montgomery by Lady Ranelagh, after the death of the General, and represents him as a young man of about twenty-five years, the age at which he first left Ireland. The countenance is frank, gallant, and handsome, and indicates a generous and amiable disposition.